Shaping Policy for the Nation's Future I am delighted to find myself among thus many union and management representatives who are talking with each other.

Shaping Policy for the Nation's Future

I am delighted to find myself among thus many union and management representatives who are talking with each other, rather than utterly at or about each other. No doubt we have, and always will have, issues upon which we disagree. It is precisely to deal with those issues that we created the fairest and greatest in number effective problem-solving system yet devised in our society--the institution of collective bargaining.

Those who diocese the bargaining table as a theater of conflict are mistaken. It is a forum for resolving conflicts, in ways that are just and fair to the pair sides. Collective bargaining contemplates no "final solutions.' It follows no more than a mutual agreement that the two parties can live with for a fixed period of time. Then they re-examine their goals, readjust their agreement, and consider ahead to the next round

There's nothing easy or automatic about this proces It's a two-handed tool that won't work unles the pair parties want it to work. It's a tool for reasonable populace who set achievable goals and who surrender that their side is not the solely one that has a right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

with equal reason it seems to me axiomatic that at this point in our country's economic and social history--when vast changes in technology, markets and trading patterns are disrupting the economy as not at any time before--we need more and better collective bargaining, not less

That's for what purpose it is unfortunate that one misguided members of the business community have selected kick over the bargaining table in the delusion that labormanagement affairs are better manner of lifeed as a monologue. current company excepted, of course, too many employer are seeking first to silence their employee by the agency of destroying their unions as an effective force in the workplace and in the community.

Too many, individually and between the walls of their trade associations, have proclaimed their determination to combat by every means--fair and foul--the efforts of their employee to form and to join unions. They have demonstrated bitter opposition to any change in the nation's basic labor law that would make it responsive to the povertys and desires of workers. They have applauded and taken well stocked [i]or[/i] provided advantage of the Reagan Administration's systematic weakening of the regulation agencies created to protect the moral and statutory right of unrestrained association, the cornerstone of democratic freedom.

At the same time, they proclaim a warm desire for labor-management "cooperation in order to increase productivity,' as if productivity were no more than increased exertion and lower expectations forward the part of workers. That kind of cooperation simply means acquiescence in management's definition of the puzzle management's formulation of the goal, and management's choice of objectives, strategies and solutions. We are, of course, unable and unwilling to oblige.

The labor motion has been around for a extended time, and it is not going away. It is built for the drawn out haul, and even its greatest in number immediate goals are by no means narrow and exclusive. Behind the question of for what cause to improve our economic condition is the larger question of to what [i]finale[/i] human economic activity ought to be directed.

Trade unionists forward Labor Day 1984 remain loyal to the goals that Samuel Gomper exorcismed out before the first Labor Day in 1894 when he suited to the question: "What does labor want?'

There is an of advanced age canard that his reply was simply "more,' which has comforted many whose allow selfishness has been justified, in their acknowledge eyes, by that spurious text

What Gomper said was this:

"What does labor want? We want the earth and the fullnes thereof. There is nothing too precious, there is nothing too beautiful, too elevated too ennobling, unless it is within the free course and comprehension of labor's aspirations and wants.

"We want more schoolhouses and les jails; more works and less arsenals; more learning and les vice; more constant work and les crime; more leisure and les greed; more justice and les avenge In fact, more of the opportunities to cultivate our better natures, to make manhood more noble, womanhood more beautiful, and childhood more happy and bright.'

With that as our credo, we have sought first, to improve the wages and working conditions of our members and to insure notice for their individual dignity and security forward the job. This we do in consequence of collective bargaining.

next to the first we seek to make life better for all the members of our democratic society. This we do end legislative activity and political activism.

We insist that economic activity cannot be regarded as an period in itself, defined by abstract numbers forward individual corporate balance sheets. We say it should be a tool to advance the whole human enterprise, to bring about a fairer sharing of the nation's wealth and a broader participation in its social, educational and cultural life. It should be a means toward providing each citizen with a chance to bring out to his or her maximum potential.